The News Line: http://www.wrp.org.uk/news/7526Thursday, 10 May 2012BRITISH TROOPS MASSACRED UNARMED MALAYS AT BATANG KALI!
Grinning Royal Marine with his "trophies". Brit troops regularly tortured, mutilated and beheaded villagers in the colonial Malaya war.SUCCESSIVE British administrations have hidden the truth about the massacre of 24 unarmed Malaysian rubber plantation workers by UK troops in 1948, says a UK-based lawyer representing relatives of the victims.
The current Tory-led government’s refusal last November to hold a formal investigation into the Batang Kali killing was challenged in a two-day judicial review hearing at the High Court in London that began on Tuesday.
Family members of the victims asked the court to quash the UK government’s 2010 decision against holding an inquiry into the case, despite evidence pointing to an extra-judicial killing spree.
‘What happened at Batang Kali was an extremely serious human rights abuse on any view at all,’ said John Halford, one of the lawyers of the families of the victims, in a press conference on Monday.
‘It was a massacre of 24 unarmed people who weren’t in any sense combatants, weren’t offering any kind of threat to the British troops who killed them.
‘That in itself is serious enough, but what then followed was a cover-up that has basically lasted the following 60 years to this day, where the British government has denied that anything untoward happened at all.’
The massacre involving members of G Company, 2nd Scots Guards, occurred 64 years ago, while British troops were trying to put down the post-Second World War Communist insurgency known as the Malayan Emergency.
Soldiers surrounded the rubber estate at Sungai Rimoh in Batang Kali, north of Kuala Lumpur, and shot dead 24 villagers before setting the village on fire.
‘What’s happened ever since is that officials, essentially British officials, have conspired to maintain the official account and suppress that very basic truth that these killings were unlawful and could never be justified,’ Halford added.
Meanwhile, condemning the ‘cold-blooded massacre’by UK troops, 76-year-old Lim Ah Yin, a survivor who has travelled to London for the case, asked for the UK government to show ‘fairness’ about the case.
Furthermore, Loh Ah Choi, who was seven at the time of the deadly incident, said, ‘I would like the British government to apologise.’
However, a British Foreign Office spokeswoman said, ‘It is very unlikely that a public inquiry could come up with recommendations which would help to prevent any recurrence.’
In Tuesday and Wednesday’s the High Court judicial review test case, the family members are seeking a public inquiry or other effective, independent investigation into what happened at Batang Kali, its misrepresentation as lawful and justified by British officials, and the active steps taken to suppress the truth.
They are asking the High Court to quash decisions of the Secretaries of State for Defence and Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs refusing both that inquiry and investigation.
Loh Ah Choi is the second claimant in the judicial review case – his uncle Loh Kit Lin, a student, was shot in the stomach on 11 December 1948 then ‘finished off’ as he lay wounded on the ground.
Loh Ah Choi was being taken away by lorry with other women and children from the village as 23 male villagers were walked from the village huts and executed.
Chong Koon Ying, also present in the village as a child, is a witness.
Lim Ah Yin is a further witness who was age 11 when the killings took place.
The families are being represented in Court by barristers Michael Fordham QC, Danny Friedman and Professor Zachary Douglas.
The Batang Kali massacre occurred during what was referred to as the ‘Malayan emergency’, a guerrilla war between colonial forces and the communist Malayan National Liberation Army, who were principally of Chinese ethnic origin.
A counter-insurgency operation was launched in the Selangor region, now in peninsular Malaysia, because British forces had received intelligence of ‘bandit’ (insurgent) activity there.
As part of this operation, between 11 and 12 December 1948 soldiers of the 7th Platoon, G Company, 2nd Battalion of the Scots Guards surrounded and took control of the village of Batang Kali, part of a British-owned rubber tapping estate.
None of the villagers was wearing a military uniform or emblem.
None was armed, and none offered any violence to the patrol. In those circumstances, there was simply no basis or justification for the use of lethal force.
However, over the course of two days the patrol shot dead 24 unarmed Chinese rubber tappers – all but two of the adult men of the village.
Many of the victims’ bodies were mutilated. The village was burned to the ground, leaving the victims’ dependents destitute.
The bodies were left where they lay, and had begun to decompose by the time the women and children were allowed to return. One was found beheaded.
In contrast to similar incidents elsewhere in the world (e.g. the My Lai massacre by US troops during the Vietnam war and the massacre at of villagers at Rawagede, Indonesia) there has been no proper investigation into the Batang Kali incident.
The UK authorities have never apologised or accepted anything done was wrong; on the contrary, a demonstrably false ‘official account’ has been disseminated, including in statements to Parliament.
Mark Curtis writes in ‘The War in Malaya 1948-60’ – ‘At Batang Kali in December 1948 the British army slaughtered twenty-four Chinese, before burning the village. The British government initially claimed that the villagers were guerrillas, and then that they were trying to escape, neither of which was true. A Scotland Yard inquiry into the massacre was called off by the Heath government in 1970 and the full details have never been officially investigated.
‘Decapitation of insurgents was a little more unusual – intended as a way of identifying dead guerrillas when it was not possible to bring their corpses in from the jungle.
‘A photograph of a Marine Commando holding two insurgents’ heads caused a public outcry in April 1952. The Colonial Office privately noted that “there is no doubt that under international law a similar case in wartime would be a war crime”. (Britain always denied it was technically at “war” in Malaya, hence use of the term “emergency”).
‘Dyak headhunters from Borneo worked alongside the British forces. High Commissioner Templer suggested that Dyaks should be used not only for tracking “but in their traditional role as head-hunters”.
‘Templer “thinks it is essential that the practice (decapitation) should continue”, although this would only be necessary “in very rare cases”, the Colonial Office observed. It also noted that, because of the recent outcry over this issue, “it would be well to delay any public statement on this matter for some months”.
‘The Daily Telegraph offered support, commenting that the Dyaks “would be superb fighters in the Malayan jungle, and it would be absurd if uninformed public opinion at home were to oppose their use”. The Colonial Office also warned that, in addition to decapitation, “other practices may have grown up, particularly in units which employ Dyaks, which would provide ugly photographs”.’
Showing posts with label brits. Show all posts
Showing posts with label brits. Show all posts
Friday, 11 May 2012
Saturday, 14 April 2012
LESSONS FROM THE OCCUPIED 6-COUNTIES AS BRIT STATE PREPARES FOR CLASS WAR ON POOR
On 20 December 2011 Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) published a report entitled The rules of engagement, which argues that serious consideration should be given to the use of plastic bullets and water cannon and, where necessary, lethal force. The British state is preparing for class war and social unrest and, in doing so, will be relying on its experience in suppressing opposition to its rule in Ireland.
The report was commissioned by the Home Secretary following the August uprisings in English cities. It recommends the establishment of a national framework for resolving public disorder, with new rules of engagement supported by ever more sophisticated communication after fatal or controversial incidents, backed up by an ‘all source hub’ intelligence gathering with a greater emphasis on ‘advanced software analysis’ and social media monitoring. The report also states that: ‘in extreme circumstances, where life is threatened, their commanders must also be able to use extraordinary measures’.
Sir Denis O’Connor, the Chief Inspector of Constabulary states: ‘if we don’t raise some of these awkward issues, then we are not giving people the chance to prepare for a future where we’re slightly more assured as to what will happen. Some new rules of engagement are necessary so the police can protect the public in confidence.’ These new rules of engagement will be dependent upon the balance of political forces at the given time; critical to this will be the role of the media and the need to control public opinion.
Anyone who for a minute considers that plastic bullets are not lethal weapons should look at the history of their use in the occupied north of Ireland. In 1970, when rubber bullets were first introduced by the British Army in Ireland, they were presented as not only harmless but humorous. The Guardian’s Simon Winchester described the ‘charming press officer’ of the King’s Own Scottish Borderers, showing off the ‘soft and squidgy things’. Winchester reported how oneObserver journalist was overheard saying ‘firing bullets made with rubber. Soon they’ll be lobbing grenades full of confetti, and guns that fire rose petals. You can’t take this sort of thing seriously at all.’1 Within three years rubber bullets had killed three people, including an 11-year-old boy, Francis Rowntree, and had caused countless injuries, including blinding. These deaths and injuries were said to be down to the unreliability of rubber bullets, which from 1973 to 1976 were then phased out in favour of the ‘safer alternative’ – the plastic bullet. These deadly weapons would go on to kill a further 14 people, including nine children; hundreds more people have been injured.
Clara Reilly of Relatives for Justice in Belfast stated: ‘What the British government did was keep coming up with all these schemes to try to cow the nationalist community into submission, and plastic bullets were used as a political control mechanism. Seven people were killed by plastic bullets during the hunger strike of 1981. Something like 60,000 bullets were fired over a few months.’2
As the struggle for political status escalated to hunger strikes which would lead to the deaths of ten men in Long Kesh prison, the level of terror on the streets intensified as the British army and police went on the rampage. On 13 May 1981 14-year-old Julie Livingston died after being shot in the head with a plastic bullet in the Stewartstown Road area of West Belfast. The bullet was fired by the British army from a distance of seven yards. They claimed that there was a riot going on following the death that day of IRA hunger striker Francis Hughes. This was not true and at her inquest the jury agreed that Julie had been an ‘innocent victim’.
A few days later, on 19 May, 11-year-old Carol Ann Kelly was shot by a plastic bullet fired from a distance of less than ten yards from a British Army land rover, as she was returning home with a carton of milk in Twinbrook, West Belfast. Again, the army press office claimed that there was rioting in the area as hunger strikers Raymond McCreesh (IRA) and Patsy O’Hara (INLA) had died that day. This lie outraged nationalist Ireland. Carol Ann Kelly died on 22 May 1981. The same day in Derry Harry Duffy died after being shot in the head by a plastic bullet by the British army, who yet again claimed that there had been a riot in the area at the time.
On 31 July 1981, as the hunger strike continued, Peter Doherty died, having been struck a week earlier by a plastic bullet as he stood in his kitchen in the Divis Flats area of West Belfast. On 9 August Peter McGuinness was hit in the chest with a plastic bullet on the Shore Road area of Belfast and died of his injuries. There was no riot in either area. Lily Fitzsimons, a founder of the Relatives Action Committees and leading campaigner for the fight for political status has stated: ‘We knew an enormous amount of support existed within the community, but many people were afraid to come out on to the streets because of the terror which was being inflicted on the community by the army and the RUC.’3
That the British police should raise the spectre of plastic bullets and water cannon, and the sanctioning of lethal force in such a way, gives us an indication of the current debate among the ruling class and how it intends to deal with the crisis. Preparation and plans are already underway and police forces across Britain are being systematically trained in public order control. The new movement in Britain must understand and learn from the experiences of the nationalist population of the north of Ireland at the hands of the British state, if serious effective opposition is to emerge.
Paul Mallon
Monday, 26 March 2012
UK FUEL TANKER DRIVER DISPUTE: NO ARMY STRIKEBREAKING! - Stop Brit Forces Scabbing On Our Struggles
SOLDIERS ARE SCABS. If you join the British Army you are a total tool. A tool for government and for big business. A tool that kills kids overseas, and scabs on working-class struggle at home. Don't be a tool.
- The REAL Scottish Defence League
Monday, 26 March 2012NO ARMY STRIKEBREAKING!
(SOURCE: THE NEWSLINE)
Army drivers are being trained as strikebreakers in the event of a national tanker drivers strike which is expected to be called this week, Cabinet Secretary Maude revealed yesterday.
The result of a Unite ballot of its 2,000 tanker driver members is due to be announced today and in response to an anticipated overwhelming YES vote, strike action ahead of and over the Easter Bank Holiday weekend is widely expected.
Unite says there have been ‘unrelenting attacks’ on drivers’ terms and conditions and the strike could begin as early as April 3rd.
The 2,000 drivers being balloted account for 90 per cent of those supplying petrol to UK forecourts.
Maude said the strikebreaking ‘training’ will begin this week as part of contingency plans being drawn up to ‘avoid major disruption to fuel supplies’.
Responding to the government threats, Unite general secretary Len McCluskey said yesterday: ‘For over a year we’ve been desperately trying to bring about some stability in the sector and urging government ministers to persuade contractors and oil companies to engage in meaningful discussions with us.
‘Unfortunately it’s proving difficult to get them to respond. That leads to frustration as workers feel that no one is listening to them.
‘We’ll need to analyse the turnout and feeling of members before deciding whether to take any industrial action, but we always hope that negotiations can resolve the situation.’
Announcing the ballot last month, Unite stressed that ‘the vote is not about pay but is about establishing a forum to agree industry-wide best practice on safety, training and terms and conditions in order to stabilise a nationally vital industry.
‘The union’s attempts to progress the forum have been thwarted by employers’ unrelenting attacks on drivers’ terms and conditions.
‘Tanker drivers work in an increasingly fragmented, pressurised industry with concerns building that corners are being cut on safety and training in a bid to squeeze profits and win contracts.
‘Drivers face growing job insecurity as a result of the contract merry-go-round and a “beat the clock” culture has flourished with drivers forced to meet ever shorter delivery deadlines.
‘Final salary pension schemes have been swapped for inferior money purchase schemes, and some workers are now on their sixth pension in as many years with 10 to 15 years left to go in the industry.’
Cabinet Office minister Maude said the government has ‘learnt the lessons’ of the fuel blockades of 2000, which brought the country to a standstill and stood ‘ready to act’ in case of a strike.
Maude said: ‘Although we are pushing for an agreement, we have learnt the lessons of the past and stand ready to act to minimise disruption to motorists, to industry and, in particular, to our emergency services, in the event of a strike.’
ATUA National Secretary Dave Wiltshire said: ‘Any attempt at army strikebreaking must be met by the TUC calling a general strike.’
- The REAL Scottish Defence League
Monday, 26 March 2012NO ARMY STRIKEBREAKING!
| Fuel protest convoy arriving in London in the year 2000 – the government is planning to use the army against a tanker drivers strike next month |
Army drivers are being trained as strikebreakers in the event of a national tanker drivers strike which is expected to be called this week, Cabinet Secretary Maude revealed yesterday.
The result of a Unite ballot of its 2,000 tanker driver members is due to be announced today and in response to an anticipated overwhelming YES vote, strike action ahead of and over the Easter Bank Holiday weekend is widely expected.
Unite says there have been ‘unrelenting attacks’ on drivers’ terms and conditions and the strike could begin as early as April 3rd.
The 2,000 drivers being balloted account for 90 per cent of those supplying petrol to UK forecourts.
Maude said the strikebreaking ‘training’ will begin this week as part of contingency plans being drawn up to ‘avoid major disruption to fuel supplies’.
Responding to the government threats, Unite general secretary Len McCluskey said yesterday: ‘For over a year we’ve been desperately trying to bring about some stability in the sector and urging government ministers to persuade contractors and oil companies to engage in meaningful discussions with us.
‘Unfortunately it’s proving difficult to get them to respond. That leads to frustration as workers feel that no one is listening to them.
‘We’ll need to analyse the turnout and feeling of members before deciding whether to take any industrial action, but we always hope that negotiations can resolve the situation.’
Announcing the ballot last month, Unite stressed that ‘the vote is not about pay but is about establishing a forum to agree industry-wide best practice on safety, training and terms and conditions in order to stabilise a nationally vital industry.
‘The union’s attempts to progress the forum have been thwarted by employers’ unrelenting attacks on drivers’ terms and conditions.
‘Tanker drivers work in an increasingly fragmented, pressurised industry with concerns building that corners are being cut on safety and training in a bid to squeeze profits and win contracts.
‘Drivers face growing job insecurity as a result of the contract merry-go-round and a “beat the clock” culture has flourished with drivers forced to meet ever shorter delivery deadlines.
‘Final salary pension schemes have been swapped for inferior money purchase schemes, and some workers are now on their sixth pension in as many years with 10 to 15 years left to go in the industry.’
Cabinet Office minister Maude said the government has ‘learnt the lessons’ of the fuel blockades of 2000, which brought the country to a standstill and stood ‘ready to act’ in case of a strike.
Maude said: ‘Although we are pushing for an agreement, we have learnt the lessons of the past and stand ready to act to minimise disruption to motorists, to industry and, in particular, to our emergency services, in the event of a strike.’
ATUA National Secretary Dave Wiltshire said: ‘Any attempt at army strikebreaking must be met by the TUC calling a general strike.’
Wednesday, 8 February 2012
EDL thugs support UK govt. colonialism - Press TV
Sat Feb 4, 2012 7:29PM GMT
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/224889.html
The members of the racist group English Defence League have put the colonial policy of UK government in practice, as they burned the Argentinean flag during their fascist march in Leicester.
About 500 EDL thugs descended to the streets in Leicester to provoke racism and division among the community, despite rising calls on the City Council to ban the racist protest.
As the British government has been seeking to militarize the dispute over the “occupied” Malvinas (Falklands) Islands, the far right EDL group, believed to be formed by the government, supported the country's controversial policies and burned the flag of Argentina.
Just before the demonstration EDL member Craig Leicester claimed they planned to march because England was “struggling to sustain its culture,” and that the EDL protests would raise awareness over the cost of UK culture.
Anti-racist group Leicester Unite Against Fascism (LUAF) also planned a counter protest entitled as “Love Leicester, Hate Racism” on different route to express their opposition at the racists and fascists supporters of EDL.
According to unconfirmed sources, minor clashes took place between EDL thugs and UAF protesters, after the racist protesters diverted away from their planned route. Police handled the situation using their batons.
The sources also reported that the police kettled the UAF protesters who were staging a peaceful demonstration on a separate route through the city center.
Twitter posts also revealed that many of the EDL thugs had consumed a lot of alcohol and that there were many young children among them.
Some 2,200 police officers were presented in the city center and monitored the two marches in order to avoid the violence degenerated by the EDL supporters in October 2010, when they turned a peaceful anti-racist protest into violence by attacking people and police, they even launched an attack on a restaurant full of women and children.
SAB/JR/HE
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